لخّصلي

خدمة تلخيص النصوص العربية أونلاين،قم بتلخيص نصوصك بضغطة واحدة من خلال هذه الخدمة

نتيجة التلخيص (37%)

How should one interpret these patterns, given the history of educational expansion in Algeria and the findings of previous studies on patterns of public goods provision and educational outcomes in autocratic political contexts? The significant differences between FIS and FLN-dominated areas are noteworthy. Districts that more strongly backed the FLN, Algeria’s primary regime party, in the first round of the legislative elections of 1991 experienced greater improvements in educational enrollment between 1998 and 2008. By contrast, FIS (oppositional) voting does not seem to be strongly (or positively) correlated with these changes.
Given the continued degree of centralization of Algerian education policy, it looks as though the post-war Algerian regime has chosen to make more significant educational investments in areas where its supporters concentrate. It is unsurprising for governments (especially authoritarian ones) to make welfare investments in a targeted manner, and Algeria is no exception. Despite the socialist orientation of the state, therefore, the Algerian regime seems to be pursuing political goals and disproportionately promoting the welfare of the most loyal elements of its citizenry through the adoption of a strategy of client list educational expansion.
This finding is in line with the expectations of prior work that evaluates the determinants of public goods provision in autocratic contexts and considers how hegemonic parties reward their core supporters for their loyalty (Blaydes 2010). Beyond evidence of client list motives, the results suggest that a political logic may shape allocation decisions in regards to social welfare and other kinds of public goods in Algeria, beyond educational outcomes.


النص الأصلي

How should one interpret these patterns, given the history of educational expansion in Algeria and the findings of previous studies on patterns of public goods provision and educational outcomes in autocratic political contexts? The significant differences between FIS and FLN-dominated areas are noteworthy. Districts that more strongly backed the FLN, Algeria’s primary regime party, in the first round of the legislative elections of 1991 experienced greater improvements in educational enrollment between 1998 and 2008. By contrast, FIS (oppositional) voting does not seem to be strongly (or positively) correlated with these changes.
Given the continued degree of centralization of Algerian education policy, it looks as though the post-war Algerian regime has chosen to make more significant educational investments in areas where its supporters concentrate. It is unsurprising for governments (especially authoritarian ones) to make welfare investments in a targeted manner, and Algeria is no exception. Despite the socialist orientation of the state, therefore, the Algerian regime seems to be pursuing political goals and disproportionately promoting the welfare of the most loyal elements of its citizenry through the adoption of a strategy of client list educational expansion.
This finding is in line with the expectations of prior work that evaluates the determinants of public goods provision in autocratic contexts and considers how hegemonic parties reward their core supporters for their loyalty (Blaydes 2010). Beyond evidence of client list motives, the results suggest that a political logic may shape allocation decisions in regards to social welfare and other kinds of public goods in Algeria, beyond educational outcomes.


تلخيص النصوص العربية والإنجليزية أونلاين

تلخيص النصوص آلياً

تلخيص النصوص العربية والإنجليزية اليا باستخدام الخوارزميات الإحصائية وترتيب وأهمية الجمل في النص

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