لخّصلي

The path taken by Britain in the 19th century of assisting the democratic breakthrough by means of institutional reforms had already begun earlier, and continued in the form of further institutional reforms in the 20th century, a trend which can also be observed in the United States with the emergence of individual rights. The debate about rights in the USA had played an important role during the colonial period and resulted in the second half of the 20th century in the Civil Rights Revolution. This included the end of segregation, which came with the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka judgement in 1954, and the recognition of the equal value of votes by having electoral constituencies the same size – Baker v. Carr in 1962 – as well as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In Britain, the political institutions had been undergoing change even before the Glorious Revolution and it continued throughout the 18th century. The House of Lords reforms of 1911, 1949 and 1999 were important milestones in this development in 20th century, and even today there is no end in sight. In both countries, however, the reforms of the 19th century in particular are associated with the victory of democracy.
These reforms changed the basic character of the constitutions of both countries. The concept of a mixed constitution, which was still so prevalent on both side of the Atlantic in the 18th century, declined. To many people in Europe, who drew encouragement from the American and French revolutions, the British constitution had lost its status as the example to be followed. During the further course of the 19th century, the old model was replaced by a new paradigm – though it was supported by a considerably reduced liberal fraternity –, for which Britain was also responsible: the ideal of a parliamentary monarchy as a middle path between authoritarian constitutional monarchy and the republic. This generally gave rise in the 20th century to constitutions with parliamentary forms of government. The governments of these constitutions could be formed from among, and by the parliamentary majority due to the "soft" separation of powers. Without discussing the broad array of theories of democracy, the Westminster model as it emerged in Britain is one such model. It is a "majority and opposition democracy" in which the government is at all times faced with a political opposition which represents an alternative to the government both in terms of policies and personnel – and the seating layout in the parliament chamber reflects this. The opposition keeps a watchful eye on the government, challenges it and is at all times prepared to take its place. This system has been imitated in an array of former British colonies and present-day Commonwealth states, as well as in other states.
The alternative American constitutional model is one of a presidential republic with a strong separation of powers, in which the president as the head of the executive leads the government with a large degree of autonomy and – in contrast with Britain – cannot be brought down by the parliament by means of a "no confidence" vote. Conversely, however, the president may have to deal with a parliament that is politically opposed to him/her and which may persistently hinder his/her governing. This constitutional model has been adopted particularly widely in Latin America and – after 1989 – in many of the states of the former Eastern Bloc, though some states have since witnessed movements against overbearing and self-aggrandising presidents.
What began with the Anglophilia of the 18th century as the glorification of the progressive British constitution, was widely celebrated in the 20th century as the liberal, Western constitutional and democratic model, with Britain and the United States being viewed as the foremost exponents of this model. In this way, the differences in detail between the two as well as the deficiencies and omissions which are a feature of every system appear as being of secondary importance, and there is a clear emphasis – not unlike in the 18th century – on the liberal basic structure of these constitutions. This is reminiscent of James Harrington's (1611–1677) ideal of an "empire of laws, and not of men" which is viewed as the hallmark of Western democracies, and which, though it is to an extent a high-minded goal, is fundamentally a continuing challenge, and one which leaves no room for complacency.