Lakhasly

The euphoria of the initial period of the First World War and the first stage of the "struggle against German domination" n the eve of the First World War, 18 July, 1914 [1], the capital of the Russian Empire, St Petersburg, along with its surroundings, was declared under martial law. The Governor General had been granted broad powers. He was able to: make regulations relating to the prevention of violations of public order and national security; forbid either public or private meetings; shut down commercial and industrial enterprises; stop the publication of periodicals; banish individuals from the city; close educational institutions; impose, from the date martial law was declared, the sequestration of property and the seizure of movable property along with any income from such, remove officials of all departments from office. Violation of the regulations meant the threat of a fine of up to three thousand roubles or incarceration for up to three months, and furthermore the perpetrator could be brought before a tribunal [2]. On 19 July the German Ambassador, Pourtales, delivered a note to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, S. D. Sazonov, declaring war. For the first time in the history of the country the order was given for general conscription and, on the same day, conscripts were sent to assembly points [3]. Civilian and military officials were assembled at the Winter Palace, awaiting the arrival of Emperor Nicholas II to declare a state of war, and a religious service was held with the icons of the Saviour Not Made by Hands from the Chapel of the Saviour and Our Lady of Kazan from Kazan Cathedral. A crowd that had spontaneously formed on Nevsky prospect headed to Kazan Cathedral, where a prayer service took place in the garden in front of the cathedral. Demonstrators appeared wielding national flags, portraits of the Emperor and patriotic posters. People arrived in Palace Square singing the anthem "God save the Tsar".The former health system continued to function, on-call doctors and pharmacies were working, and "ambulances" provided medical assistance, although often, due to a lack of petrol, "ambulance cars" could not set off even in cases where emergency assistance was needed. On 3 March, 1918, the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty was signed by the Soviet regime in Russia [33]. With the ensuing anarchy, the cancellation of State loans, the closure of banks and the absence of official quotations of stock prices, it was impossible to compile estimates of expenditure by organisations. Following the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, chaos in Petrograd intensified and the city was gripped by panic. This contributed to the government's move to Moscow on 11 March. Famine broke out in Petrograd. With the steady reduction in living standards, unemployment and bread shortages, there was increasing discontent with the new government, which was supported by the bayonets of the Red Guard. Protest speeches took on a dynamic character, but they were strictly suppressed and victims appeared. The arrests of strike organisers provoked new demonstrations. The peak of the protest speeches, linked to hunger, occurred in May 1918. There were mighty rallies and then strikes at the Obukhov, Russo-Baltic, Arsenal, Siemens-Schuckert, Semyanikov and other plants. They all had a political focus against the Soviets. The authorities declared the strikes to be counter-revolutionary riots. Armed Red Guards were sent to the factories and brutally suppressed the workers. On 28 June, the Nationalisation Decree was agreed. It affected not only industry, but also libraries and theatres. Most theatres were visited by Bolshevik commissars, who described the property and sorted things out with the owners or tenants. Under the guise of nationalisation, searches, arrests and looting flourished in the city. There were more frequent thefts from jewellery stores and apartments, where thieves stole money and valuables. The end of the year became a time of rapid destruction of all industries in Petrograd. Industrial production decreased sevenfold and the number of workers decreased almost twofold. Paradoxically, only the onset of civil war allowed the Bolsheviks to deal with protest movements. Most businesses switched to the production of military goods, thanks to which unemployment began to go down [34]. Everything was intensifying in Petrograd and in the whole country the fight against the "enemies of the people" and the exposure of a "counter-revolutionary conspiracy" against Soviet authority, became the harbingers of a future "of great terror" in the country.At the same time, however, new enterprises were established inPetrograd, for example the "Russian Renault" car company opened with a capital of one million roubles. The International Commercial Bank made a significant profit. In the context of the fight against drunkenness in Petrograd, a number of inns, restaurants, wine cellars, etc. were closed down, but wine was left for Church sacraments. Refugees and many inhabitants from the countryside, whose husbands had left for the front, turned up in Petrograd, attempting to find positions as servants, nannies, cooks or maids. To replace the men who had left for war, there were now women telegraphists. As many women were now starting to work, there was an increase in child neglect and consequently higher levels of juvenile delinquency. Cases of theft became more frequent. A theft of soldiers' boots from a military warehouse provoked a strong response in the city [8]. A series of auctions took place in Petrograd, the funds from which were transferred to hospitals. An art auction, provided 6,000 roubles which were sent to the hospitals. Following the auction, some of the confiscated property of the Germans and Austro-Hungarians (horses, carriages, harnesses, equestrian sports items) was transferred to the army. At the end of 1914, the dismissal of Germans and Austro-Hungarians from companies and organisations continued. An order was issued to evict from Petrograd Austrian and German nationals aged 17 to 60 to a distance of 100 verst [9]. Those who failed to comply were condemned to permanent forced labour. At a meeting of the Duma, Deputy Levashov posed the question "about German domination" and a Special Committee was set up to deal with this struggle.The streams of alcohol from the broken barrels flowed down the dirty gutter on the street and the crowd of men, women and even soldiers became completely brutal, rushing to the gutter with caps or some random piece of tableware to scoop up the wine, but most simply pressed their lips against the current in the muddy gutter of alcohol, in an attempt to drink it" [17]. In the second half of 1916, the crisis escalated in all areas of Russian society and by autumn it had reached its peak. This manifested itself in the collapse of food supplies and the accelerated breakdown of authority. Furthermore, the influence of the Bolsheviks on events in Petrograd became more open. The growing crisis demanded that the authorities take more decisive action, but they did not [18]. Due to inflation and problems with food and fuel, discontent spread among the workers. In Petrograd, due to interruptions in the food supply and high prices, queues appeared and gave rise to spontaneous speeches by women. On 14 October, the government asked the military to distribute food from military warehouses. At the end of 1916, the situation in Petrograd was aggravated by the outbreak of a political crisis. Of primary concern was the food issue, with the city facing an impending famine [19]. In relations between the authorities and the people, Rasputin [20] was the "connoisseur of the people".2 weeks later, the ministers of the interior and of war obtained the right to close all meetings and congresses, and even after a few days they were granted exclusive rights to the fight with those "undermining the foundations of the State and threatening revolutionary freedom" [27]. They directed the reorganisation of education and participated in the selection of directors of schools and educational councils. The interim Government made the decision to remove royal portraits from all public and educational institutions. In primary schools, religious instruction was abolished. In high schools, domestic workers demanded that teachers be evicted and they occupy their accommodation. The watchman at one of the schools, based on the support of the Soldiers' Committee, announced his wish to become director. At the university faculties of law, departments of industrial and work law opened. In view of the military conscription of boys, it was decided that technical institutes would accept girls graduating from high school. From the former women's courses, women's universities were organized. After the revolution, a member of Parliament, A. V. Bellegarde, wrote in his memoirs: "The Duma also seems to have lost its head.This was called "ministerial leapfrog". Conflicts intensified between ministers, the Council of Ministers and Headquarters due to confusion over supplies to the army and the need to regulate its provisions. All this did not help solve the critical domestic problem of capital. The build-up of the political crisis and the weakness of the authorities 1916 started with a new price rise and a fight against looters, but these measures were only on paper and did not affect real life. In an attempt to rectify the situation and increase supplies to the city, passenger transport was stopped for a few days between Petrograd and Moscow. Only two trains with 1st and 2nd class coaches were left for the transportation of mail and officials, urgent cases and for those with special certificates. This allowed a brief increase in the flow of supplies of food and fodder to Petrograd [14]. In addition, since the wagons containing meat and fish that had not been unloaded had stood for a long time, their contents began to go bad. In the workers' districts, traders started to sell rotten fish and "sausage-makers sold sausages covered in mould".The new revolutionary system is costing the State treasury far more than the old system" [29]. The inability of the authorities to deal with the growing political and economic problems paved the way for the revolution. On 24-25 October, the provisional government was overthrown and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was established. On the evening of 25 October in Smolny, the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened and Russia was declared a Republic of Soviets. The new government was not coping with a drop in production, the non-payment of wages, unemployment, bread shortages and bad medical care. All this had caused popular indignation. An eyewitness to the events wrote: "Our food situation is not just distressing or hard, but downright disastrous, because each day we do not know what will happen tomorrow, each day we live under the threat of an impending famine, each day we wait, maybe for tomorrow, the day after tomorrow, or in two or three days' time when there will be no bread at all and nothing to live on and we will start to die of hunger" [30].In all the city churches, prayers were said "to award victory to Russian and Allied weapons". Public organisations collected donations to help the wounded. Even in prisons the production of cotton wool was organised to assist hospitals. However, many residents of Petrograd carried on their life as before. They continued to attend the city's two racecourses, where turnover increased considerably. They attended football matches as the Football League opened its autumn season. Theatres continued operating in the city. At the end of August they were putting patriotic performances into their repertoire. Within the context of the struggle against "German domination", there was a ban on musical performances and season tickets for the German composer Wagner.In an attempt to curb the increasing drunkenness among the lower echelons of society, the "Special Preparatory Commission under the City Commission was established to deal with the question of the fight against drunkenness among the population and measures in the fight against abuse through sales by pharmacies of alcohol along with medicines and cosmetics containing alcohol". 119 pharmacies in the town, over the course of 3 months were found to have used 504 buckets of alcohol, but for the 3 months following the ban on the use of alcohol this amounted to 1,111 buckets. An eyewitness to the events recalled: "A crowd of rampaging workers laid siege to a wine warehouse.Nationalisation, the protest movement and a harbinger of the "great terror" With the arrival of the Bolsheviks to power, new decrees began to be issued. In January, an announcement was made about the creation of a "Workers battalion of the bourgeoisie"."White spots" appeared in the newspapers, caused by censorship edits.Inflation escalated.

The euphoria of the initial period of the First World War and the first stage of the “struggle against German domination”
n the eve of the First World War, 18 July, 1914 [1], the capital of the Russian Empire, St Petersburg, along with its surroundings, was declared under martial law. The Governor General had been granted broad powers. He was able to: make regulations relating to the prevention of violations of public order and national security; forbid either public or private meetings; shut down commercial and industrial enterprises; stop the publication of periodicals; banish individuals from the city; close educational institutions; impose, from the date martial law was declared, the sequestration of property and the seizure of movable property along with any income from such, remove officials of all departments from office. Violation of the regulations meant the threat of a fine of up to three thousand roubles or incarceration for up to three months, and furthermore the perpetrator could be brought before a tribunal [2]. On 19 July the German Ambassador, Pourtalès, delivered a note to the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, S. D. Sazonov, declaring war. For the first time in the history of the country the order was given for general conscription and, on the same day, conscripts were sent to assembly points [3].
Civilian and military officials were assembled at the Winter Palace, awaiting the arrival of Emperor Nicholas II to declare a state of war, and a religious service was held with the icons of the Saviour Not Made by Hands from the Chapel of the Saviour and Our Lady of Kazan from Kazan Cathedral. A crowd that had spontaneously formed on Nevsky prospect headed to Kazan Cathedral, where a prayer service took place in the garden in front of the cathedral. Demonstrators appeared wielding national flags, portraits of the Emperor and patriotic posters. People arrived in Palace Square singing the anthem “God save the Tsar”. They stopped at Alexander’s Column. From the balcony of the Winter Palace, Emperor Nicholas II declared Russia to be at war and all those standing in the square fell to their knees [4].
A popular slogan in the country was the struggle against “German domination”. St Petersburg was renamed Petrograd. On 23 July the German Embassy was taken over; an enraged mob on top of the building threw down a quadriga and it sunk in the river. The next day, the United States’ Attorney came in protest to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, S. D. Sazonov, to protect German nationals and their property in Russia. In the town urgent measures were taken to dismiss those “suspected” of being German or Austrian nationals from all agencies. German and Austrian citizens were stripped of their titles of commercial and manufacturing advisors. It was subsequently proposed that they all be deported to Germany via Sweden and Finland. All activity of German and Austrian societies was banned, as well as German language teaching at Lutheran, Catholic and reformed schools.
For the entire period of martial law, censorship was imposed on the press. “White spots” appeared in the newspapers, caused by censorship edits. Bank branches in Riga as well as Libava and Vindava were closed, and all banking operations were planned to be conducted in Petrograd and Moscow. As a result of military action in the city, there was an increased interest in geographical maps and the prices for these rose by 20-30% [5].
By the end of July, the price of matches and other essentials had risen sharply. Angry buyers at one of the markets attacked sellers who were trying to punish looters. The incident was linked to the high cost of the first phase of high prices and was discussed at a meeting of the Duma. Limits were set on food prices. Those responsible for illegally raising food prices were placed under arrest for three months. Trade restrictions were imposed on strong spirits, and then sales of vodka were banned. More severe punishments were introduced for street demonstrations. Income tax rose and tariffs for passenger and goods transport went up by 20% [6].
To Petrograd came an increased influx of wounded from the battlefield and refugees from the occupied territories also flocked here. More and more infirmaries opened, and on opening they were blessed by priests. The various institutions created nursing courses for women and priests. In all the city churches, prayers were said “to award victory to Russian and Allied weapons”. Public organisations collected donations to help the wounded. Even in prisons the production of cotton wool was organised to assist hospitals.
However, many residents of Petrograd carried on their life as before. They continued to attend the city’s two racecourses, where turnover increased considerably. They attended football matches as the Football League opened its autumn season. Theatres continued operating in the city. At the end of August they were putting patriotic performances into their repertoire. Within the context of the struggle against “German domination”, there was a ban on musical performances and season tickets for the German composer Wagner. Normal life continued and, in educational institutions, the next academic year began in universities and high schools. However, in the universities it became necessary to show evidence of trustworthiness and it was forbidden to accept German and Austrian nationals. In general education schools for girls they organised hot breakfasts and introduced needlework courses; students were involved in the manufacture of linen for the wounded [7].
The start of the war highlighted the shortcomings and weakness of the Russian economy faced with the conditions of military action. Many businesses received materials from abroad and had no stock. Germany had been the almost exclusive supplier of raw materials for Russian industry. In addition, fuel prices increased significantly. Companies closed due to conscription and output was reduced. And, as a consequence, the weakest manufacturers went into liquidation. As factories closed down, unemployment began to take hold. At the same time, however, new enterprises were established inPetrograd, for example the “Russian Renault” car company opened with a capital of one million roubles. The International Commercial Bank made a significant profit.
In the context of the fight against drunkenness in Petrograd, a number of inns, restaurants, wine cellars, etc. were closed down, but wine was left for Church sacraments.
Refugees and many inhabitants from the countryside, whose husbands had left for the front, turned up in Petrograd, attempting to find positions as servants, nannies, cooks or maids. To replace the men who had left for war, there were now women telegraphists. As many women were now starting to work, there was an increase in child neglect and consequently higher levels of juvenile delinquency. Cases of theft became more frequent. A theft of soldiers’ boots from a military warehouse provoked a strong response in the city [8].
A series of auctions took place in Petrograd, the funds from which were transferred to hospitals. An art auction, provided 6,000 roubles which were sent to the hospitals. Following the auction, some of the confiscated property of the Germans and Austro-Hungarians (horses, carriages, harnesses, equestrian sports items) was transferred to the army.
At the end of 1914, the dismissal of Germans and Austro-Hungarians from companies and organisations continued. An order was issued to evict from Petrograd Austrian and German nationals aged 17 to 60 to a distance of 100 verst [9]. Those who failed to comply were condemned to permanent forced labour. At a meeting of the Duma, Deputy Levashov posed the question “about German domination” and a Special Committee was set up to deal with this struggle. On 1 January, 1915, publication of the German language newspaper Petrograder Zeitung ceased.
Increasing problems with food and fuel and the activities of the authorities to deal with them
In 1915, the prices of products, foods and wood continued to rise. Significant cases of fuel profiteering were detected. Despite the set rate imposed for firewood, numerous wood scams were discovered. In pharmacies there was a 20% increase in the cost of medicines. Linked to the shortages of medicines, there were reduced sales of ether and alcohol and in one instance no more than 30 grams was sold [10]. To combat increasing unemployment and poverty, special canteens were set up. The unemployed received free lunches while part-time workers and those in work could eat at minimal cost.
However, cultural life of Petrograd did not stop. In the 1915/1916 season, theatre subscriptions were renewed. Fees from charity events with the participation of famous artists were channelled to benefit infirmaries. Prominent figures in science and culture gave lectures on contemporary themes. The renowned psychiatrist, V. Bekhterev, produced a report entitled “War and psychosis”. A notable patriotic event was the arrival in Petrograd of M. Isipenko, a girl who voluntarily went to the front. She took part in combat, was injured and again went into battle. Also noted was the 13-yearold volunteer Vershinin, the son of a captain, who was lost on the cruiser “Varyag” during the Russo-Japanese war. This brave boy was awarded a 4thclass military Order of St. George [11].
Prisoners of war appeared in Petrograd and an order was issued forbidding them to visit inns, restaurants, clubs, coffee shops, theatres or circuses. Prisoners of war were only allowed into shops under escort. Whilst walking in the streets either in groups or alone, they were not allowed to associate with residents or hand anything over to them [12].
In March 1915, at the front, the Russian army began to retreat, and life in Petrograd grew even worse. The political crisis in the capital intensified, economic collapse worsened and at the same time opposition and revolutionary sentiment within society increased. Disruption to the fuel supply made life very difficult within the transport sector. Inflation escalated. By the end of March, the price of meat, sugar and firewood had increased. Continuous shortages of flour and coal were recorded. At the same time, prohibitions for workers intensified: the game of billiards was banned, as were other gambling-related games.
Despite the setting up of infirmaries within many institutions, these were insufficient to cope with the wounded who were constantly arriving in Petrograd. On 10 October, 1915 a hospital with 241 members of staff, opened in the Winter Palace [13].
The political crisis had already deepened since September and some ministers had been replaced. This was called “ministerial leapfrog”. Conflicts intensified between ministers, the Council of Ministers and Headquarters due to confusion over supplies to the army and the need to regulate its provisions. All this did not help solve the critical domestic problem of capital.
The build-up of the political crisis and the weakness of the authorities
1916 started with a new price rise and a fight against looters, but these measures were only on paper and did not affect real life. In an attempt to rectify the situation and increase supplies to the city, passenger transport was stopped for a few days between Petrograd and Moscow. Only two trains with 1st and 2nd class coaches were left for the transportation of mail and officials, urgent cases and for those with special certificates. This allowed a brief increase in the flow of supplies of food and fodder to Petrograd [14]. In addition, since the wagons containing meat and fish that had not been unloaded had stood for a long time, their contents began to go bad. In the workers’ districts, traders started to sell rotten fish and “sausage-makers sold sausages covered in mould”. The high prices were due to the creation of too many large unrelated organisations. An eyewitness wrote: “All these food committees, bureaux, commissions, commissioners, etc. not only failed to assist, but were also sometimes positively harmful. Disorderly distribution.” Profiteering affected food (including salt), as well as hay and firewood. In winter, the owners of tenement houses economised on the issuing of coal to tenants. Temperatures in the houses did not rise above 8-9°C. The shortage of firewood also affected the public library. It issued a statement to the administration: “The lack of fuel has resulted in a critical situation” [15]. However, even wealthy people were confronted with higher prices. There was a twofold increase in war tax on telephones, which only a few residents possessed [16].
However, for some townspeople normal life continued. Horse racing and show jumping competitions were also arranged. Cinemas showed films such as “The Cellar of Death” and “The Cheerful Corpse”. There was active selling of “limousine” and “Torpedo Opel” cars. New joint-stock companies emerged, linked with French and British entrepreneurs. New restaurants opened. The owner of the “Tourist” restaurant opened a second one “on a broader footing, modelled on international top-class restaurants.” Singing courses were established in the city. A Petrograd skating enthusiasts circle organised urban events.
In an attempt to curb the increasing drunkenness among the lower echelons of society, the “Special Preparatory Commission under the City Commission was established to deal with the question of the fight against drunkenness among the population and measures in the fight against abuse through sales by pharmacies of alcohol along with medicines and cosmetics containing alcohol”. 119 pharmacies in the town, over the course of 3 months were found to have used 504 buckets of alcohol, but for the 3 months following the ban on the use of alcohol this amounted to 1,111 buckets. An eyewitness to the events recalled: “A crowd of rampaging workers laid siege to a wine warehouse. The owners and administration, in an attempt to prevent them, resolved to smash the barrels of alcohol before the crowd could burst into the warehouse. The streams of alcohol from the broken barrels flowed down the dirty gutter on the street and the crowd of men, women and even soldiers became completely brutal, rushing to the gutter with caps or some random piece of tableware to scoop up the wine, but most simply pressed their lips against the current in the muddy gutter of alcohol, in an attempt to drink it” [17].
In the second half of 1916, the crisis escalated in all areas of Russian society and by autumn it had reached its peak. This manifested itself in the collapse of food supplies and the accelerated breakdown of authority. Furthermore, the influence of the Bolsheviks on events in Petrograd became more open. The growing crisis demanded that the authorities take more decisive action, but they did not [18]. Due to inflation and problems with food and fuel, discontent spread among the workers. In Petrograd, due to interruptions in the food supply and high prices, queues appeared and gave rise to spontaneous speeches by women. On 14 October, the government asked the military to distribute food from military warehouses. At the end of 1916, the situation in Petrograd was aggravated by the outbreak of a political crisis. “The main impetus for the development of the disease (the gap between the authorities and society – author’s note) was provided by the war; it is already the third year that it has destabilised the State organism, revealing all its decrepitude”. Of primary concern was the food issue, with the city facing an impending famine [19].
In relations between the authorities and the people, Rasputin [20] was the “connoisseur of the people”. He came to be trusted by the royal family. Rasputin was able to dictate to the Tsar the appointment or removal of officials of all ranks. His negative influence on society engendered social tensions. Since 1914 he had been subject to public and undercover surveillance. Only his murder on the night of 16-17 December, 1916 appeased social tensions.

End of the monarchy, interim government and anarchy
In early 1917, the security police reported to their superiors on the dissatisfaction of the masses, anticipating protests by students and workers. The constant price rises and the disappearance of basic necessities caused a bitterness that was ready to erupt into bloody demonstrations. According to the police, there was the potential for universal strikes and then revolution. Many of the food stores were closed, public transport was not running. Looting began. On 23 February, there was unrest in the city and demands for bread. The demonstrators raised red flags with the slogans: “Bread! Down with war!” Up to 50 businesses involving 80,000 workers, went on strike. A few days later more than 200,000 were already out of work. Crowds were dispersed by the police and troops firing weapons [21]. The government announced that Petrograd was under siege. On the night of 27 to 28 February, only the Admiralty was left in the hands of troops loyal to the tsar. All roads to Petrograd were blocked. The rebels soon captured the Peter and Paul Fortress and the Admiralty and arrested the old government. Tsar Nicholas II abdicated from the throne [22]. This political coup (or February Revolution) that took place brought nothing to the workers. The Bolsheviks, who created the Petrograd Soviet of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies, became all the more active and their agitators worked in every district of the city [23]. In March 1917, the provisional government led by A. F. Kerensky [24], was established and it organised a Special Commission of Inquiry under the direction of N. K. Muravyev [25]. This Commission carried out the interrogations of ministers and senior officials from the Imperial government who were detained and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress and “Kresty” [26] prison.
In May, at a meeting of the Factory Committee of Petrograd, the decision was taken to create a “workers’ militia”, later reformed into the Workers’ (Red) Guard. On 12 July a decree by the interim government closed several Bolshevik newspapers that spoke out against the war. 2 weeks later, the ministers of the interior and of war obtained the right to close all meetings and congresses, and even after a few days they were granted exclusive rights to the fight with those “undermining the foundations of the State and threatening revolutionary freedom” [27]. They directed the reorganisation of education and participated in the selection of directors of schools and educational councils. The interim Government made the decision to remove royal portraits from all public and educational institutions. In primary schools, religious instruction was abolished. In high schools, domestic workers demanded that teachers be evicted and they occupy their accommodation. The watchman at one of the schools, based on the support of the Soldiers’ Committee, announced his wish to become director. At the university faculties of law, departments of industrial and work law opened. In view of the military conscription of boys, it was decided that technical institutes would accept girls graduating from high school. From the former women’s courses, women’s universities were organized.
After the revolution, a member of Parliament, A. V. Bellegarde, wrote in his memoirs: “The Duma also seems to have lost its head. I remember that very left-wing Duma member, Falbork, at that time just arrived from the front, openly remarking to me: “I cannot understand what you have done here; it’s just some kind of madhouse. All these people, it seems, were sincerely convinced that the revolution would provoke such general enthusiasm throughout the Russian nation, that not only would a complete victory over the Germans be guaranteed, but also shared excitement and extensive help in every way from our allies” [28]. At the same time in the city generals and officers who had removed their uniforms were seen walking the streets with red sashes.
The growing anarchy contributed to soaring prices and the emergence of ration cards. During the interim government, prices increased fourfold. At the time of the October revolution, bread had gone up 16 times compared to 1914, potatoes 20 times, sugar 27 times and meat 5 times. In Petrograd, the number of queues increased; they became known as “tails” and they continued to get longer.
Military failures on the fronts, ruin, unemployment and famine aggravated the situation for the inhabitants of Petrograd. The price of eggs rose by 54% and there was a special distribution of soap, stearin candles and shag. The Finance Minister reported that the State budget deficit was 15 billion roubles. He said: “No government has been as wasteful as the government of revolutionary Russia. In 1914 its average monthly military spending was 219 million roubles, in 1915 223 million, 1916 – 290 and in the first two months of the 1917, an average of 423 and from 1 March to 16 July, an average of 832 million roubles. The new revolutionary system is costing the State treasury far more than the old system” [29].
The inability of the authorities to deal with the growing political and economic problems paved the way for the revolution. On 24-25 October, the provisional government was overthrown and the Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies was established. On the evening of 25 October in Smolny, the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets opened and Russia was declared a Republic of Soviets. The new government was not coping with a drop in production, the non-payment of wages, unemployment, bread shortages and bad medical care. All this had caused popular indignation. An eyewitness to the events wrote: “Our food situation is not just distressing or hard, but downright disastrous, because each day we do not know what will happen tomorrow, each day we live under the threat of an impending famine, each day we wait, maybe for tomorrow, the day after tomorrow, or in two or three days’ time when there will be no bread at all and nothing to live on and we will start to die of hunger” [30].
In 1917, 2,420,000 people were living in Petrograd and 61,000 died; in 1918 there were 1,469,000 people and 64,200 people died [31]. The decrease in population was due to conscription into the army, emigration abroad and the escape to the countryside.

The consolidation of power by the Bolsheviks. Nationalisation, the protest movement and a harbinger of the “great terror”
With the arrival of the Bolsheviks to power, new decrees began to be issued. In January, an announcement was made about the creation of a “Workers battalion of the bourgeoisie”. Those who refused to obey orders were shot. There was a switch to the Gregorian calendar, which greatly complicated rail traffic. In January, a decree was issued to separate the church from the State. All agencies of the Synod were eliminated, the property of many churches was requisitioned and the Alexander Nevsky monastery was sequestered. All charitable church institutions were destroyed and Red Cross workers dismissed [32].
In January, 200g rations of bread were distributed using ration cards and, from the end of April, the daily allowance was reduced to 50 grams. Infectious diseases appeared in the city, and epidemics of typhus and abdominal typhoid began. The former health system continued to function, on-call doctors and pharmacies were working, and “ambulances” provided medical assistance, although often, due to a lack of petrol, “ambulance cars” could not set off even in cases where emergency assistance was needed.
On 3 March, 1918, the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty was signed by the Soviet regime in Russia [33]. With the ensuing anarchy, the cancellation of State loans, the closure of banks and the absence of official quotations of stock prices, it was impossible to compile estimates of expenditure by organisations. Following the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty, chaos in Petrograd intensified and the city was gripped by panic. This contributed to the government’s move to Moscow on 11 March. Famine broke out in Petrograd.
With the steady reduction in living standards, unemployment and bread shortages, there was increasing discontent with the new government, which was supported by the bayonets of the Red Guard. Protest speeches took on a dynamic character, but they were strictly suppressed and victims appeared. The arrests of strike organisers provoked new demonstrations. The peak of the protest speeches, linked to hunger, occurred in May 1918. There were mighty rallies and then strikes at the Obukhov, Russo-Baltic, Arsenal, Siemens-Schuckert, Semyanikov and other plants. They all had a political focus against the Soviets. The authorities declared the strikes to be counter-revolutionary riots. Armed Red Guards were sent to the factories and brutally suppressed the workers.
On 28 June, the Nationalisation Decree was agreed. It affected not only industry, but also libraries and theatres. Most theatres were visited by Bolshevik commissars, who described the property and sorted things out with the owners or tenants. Under the guise of nationalisation, searches, arrests and looting flourished in the city. There were more frequent thefts from jewellery stores and apartments, where thieves stole money and valuables.
The end of the year became a time of rapid destruction of all industries in Petrograd. Industrial production decreased sevenfold and the number of workers decreased almost twofold. Paradoxically, only the onset of civil war allowed the Bolsheviks to deal with protest movements. Most businesses switched to the production of military goods, thanks to which unemployment began to go down [34]. Everything was intensifying in Petrograd and in the whole country the fight against the “enemies of the people” and the exposure of a “counter-revolutionary conspiracy” against Soviet authority, became the harbingers of a future “of great terror” in the country.